Myths about Roma education are widely used in the academia produced by governmental and non-governmental agencies. One of them says “Roma parents frequently do not regard education as necessary and do not encourage their children to stay in school” (Friedrich Ebert Schtiftung, 2002, 19) such statements are very dangerous because they produce different stereotypes and prejudices, which very often result in the exclusion of a particular group. Nevertheless, the socio-economic situation of Roma also plays a significant role in this process. Combined all of the above mention dimensions produce exclusion and xenophobia of Roma minority. However, one of the major problem that Roma minority face is the school segregation. In the latest Human Right Report by United States Department for Hungary it is stated:

“Segregation of Romani schoolchildren remained a problem. NGOs and government officials estimated that one-third of Romani children were educated in segregated classes and that school officials placed 20 percent, without justification, in remedial classes for children with mental disabilities, effectively segregating them from other students. Schools with a majority of Romani students employed simplified teaching curricula, were generally less well equipped, and were in significantly worse physical condition than those with non-Romani majorities” (Human Rights Report 2013, 1)

Reports such this from the United States Department, just confirms the assumption that Roma children are exposed to study in segregated schools without any justification, the number of 20% is frightening. On January 29th, 2013 the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled that European governments must end segregation and discrimination against Roma children in schools. In the case of Horvath and Kiss v. Hungary, the Court found that Hungary had violated the European Convention on Human Rights by segregating Romani children in a special school – following a legal struggle that began in 2006. The Court noted that Roma children had been over-represented in the past in special schools due to the systematic misdiagnosis of mental disability. Still is believed that most of the Roma children are placed in the special schools due to their ethnicity and social status.

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Different theories argue that the notion of “religion” is not a cultural universal but rather developed under specific historical and political conditions. “Religion”, they say, is a social construction. Recently, during my work stay in Spain, in a Catholic –majority county, most of the Spanish Roma were discussing the role of the religion in their families or communities. Usually the first question was “How many times do you visit a Culto?” (An evangelic church which in the last decades is growing up among Spanish Roma), implying that I, as a Romani woman automatically should visit a Roma church. The negative surprise came when actually I answered that I do not go to the Culto, “I am a Romani Muslim woman”, I said. Frozen face expression! “That’s a problem”, one of them said. I was struggling with my thoughts and efforts to understand why for Roma that live in Spain is unknown the existence of Roma Muslim, until I understood that the identity, including the Roma identity, particularly the gender and religion construction is based on the created Western narratives about which religion “should be practiced” or which one is “better”, or what means to be a “real woman”. Although Dubuisson respects the study of beliefs and belief-systems as legitimate, he argues that the word “religion” is too tense with ideology and too Western in its associated meaning to be useful.

As a Romani Muslim woman and a feminist, in this paper I discuss the urgent need of addressing the intersectional experience of Romani women for being Roma, women and for practicing different religion than the dominated one, their experience inside and outside Romani and non-Romani communities. I also look upon Western construction of narratives about “saving oppressed” Muslim women and how actually those narratives not only have consequences on accepting the diversity with-in the Roma communities, but also increase the multiplied discrimination faced by Romani Muslim women. In other words, any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot sufficiently address the particular manner in which Romani women are subordinated. As follows, in this paper, I also present literature opinions that establish the adjustment of broadly accepted understandings of the above mentioned concepts.

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Europe in the 21st century is facing a serious problem so called "asylum seekers." Visa liberalizations provide benefits to the Macedonian citizens, but not to the Roma minority living in Macedonia. In this content analysis, you can read more about how European policies are affecting third world countries that include and the Republic of Macedonia. Also, you will perceive what are the main challenges faced by the countries of the third world, but also the European Union and other institutions within the EU.

With the Single European Act of 1986 was made a major milestone. With the Act is envisaged (Article 8, later Article 14 of the Treaty of Amsterdam)[1] creating a single internal market based on the four freedoms:

  • Goods;
  • Persons;
  • Services;
  • Capital 

The free movement of persons throughout the European Union without internal borders is raised to the level of fundamental aim in accordance with implicit determination for creating an appropriate legal and institutional structure that would guarantee the new principle, by accepting the so-called "Compensatory measures", such as strengthening the control of external borders and building a common policy on asylum and immigration.

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The visa liberalization for Macedonia in 2009 not only brought wide benefits but also negative criticism for the country and its citizens. On the one hand, one of the benefits is that Macedonian citizens could freely travel to EU. While, on the other hand – critics, mainly EU member states, saw an increased inflow of asylum seekers from Macedonia. Almost three years after the visa liberalization, Macedonia is facing severe criticism by international NGOs for "controlling" Roma to leave the country, as well as returning to the visa regime. The majoritarian Macedonians and the Europeans often put the blame on Roma for the negative image in front of EU, without seeing the roots of the causes for asylum as well as the benefits of integration that may arise, in the long run.

In this regard, this analysis aims to present the reasons for asylum from an economic perspective, as well as to analyze the cost and benefits of those European countries that are the recipients of the asylum seekers. In addition, this analysis interprets the “asylum issue” beyond the existing framework and provides arguments for promoting Western countries investment in the Balkans, in order not to repeat the same scenario as in the case of Bulgaria and Romania EU membership, which produced massive migration in Central-Western European states.

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Freedom of movement is one of the fundamental rights of people. In a time of the financial crisis, the free movement of people is followed with an increased inflow of asylum seekers in the economically wealthier countries of the European Union. Often this trend results in revisions of the traveling rules and  the possible establishment of new measures related to the visa regime. Still, we must remember that the migrations and asylum seeking are not new and unknown phenomena for Macedonia and the other countries in the region. The migrations (and recently – asylum seeking) are known as one of the possibilities of finding a way out of  poverty, or  search for better life conditions (economic, social, and political life). Because of the quest for an exit from poverty, people migrate, similar to those in Middle East, Africa and Asia.

Migrations exist since the beginning of mankind because in the mankind history it is known that people traveled night and day for a long period looking for better and safer living conditions. Still, the migrations from Macedonia have been recorded since the beginning of the XX century, due to various reasons. For example: during the Ottoman Empire the migrations were driven by political unrest and search for wealth in the New World. Also, after the Second World War, the search for employment, the political views opposed to the Yugoslav Communism, and the devastating earthquake in 1963 repeatedly caused the migration of the population.[1]

From 19 December 2009, with the adoption of the decision on visa liberalization, visa-free travel across Europe became a reality for the citizens of Macedonia. [2]

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One of the most interesting anthropological and political topic in the late XIX and XX century was the study of the history of nations, their distinct cultures, and identities. Throughout the history, European nations have endured and surpassed challenges preserving their sovereignty and territory. Today, the subjective political world depends on the interests of the nation states and the power to dominate the international scene. Roma as a nation inhabited the European continent in the XII century[1] without any opportunity and tendency for territorial, cultural unification. However, the “white” continent continuously evolved throughout history, groups of people unified in nations protecting themselves and their interests through their national states. They protected their cultural heritage and upgraded for unity and unification, while Roma, who settled in the existing nation states as the “others” had to adjust to the conditions set by the majority of the countries that they settled.

This paper aims to analyze and deconstruct the concepts of formation of a nation, cultural development and identity with the emphasis on the Roma in the process of creating a multi-state nation with unified culture and identity. In this paper, I also present facts and the literature arguments that establish the standardization of widely accepted understandings of the concepts mentioned above.

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By many people and researchers the 20th century is called “century of genocide”, a genocide where under the Nazis, German attempts to rid the country of “racial inferiority” caused many people to be killed without any mercy. Because of the victim numbers, the Nazi genocide was a unique point in the human history. One of the least known aspects of that genocide is the Pharrajimos – The Roma Holocaust. According to Janos Barsony and Agnes Daroczi, Pharrajimos[1] means cutting up, fragmentation and devouring[2] in some dialects of the Romani language. The term Pharrajimos/Porrajmos was introduced for the first time by Ian Hancock[3] in the early 1990s. The same term in the international literature can be found as “Samudaripen” or Roma Holocaust. Surprisingly or not, there are still on-going debates about whether what have happened to Roma could be considered as part of the notion of Holocaust or not.

In this paper, I analyze the reasons for lacking an official recognition and representation of Pharrajimos in the history. Therefore, I look at Nazi’s ideology, the experience of Roma before, during and after the Holocaust. I demonstrate that Nazi German’s ideology was the same for Roma people as it was for the Jewish community - the idea of racial superiority, and I challenge the claim that is not because of their antisocial and criminal behaviour. Moreover, I indicate how participation in a globalized holocaust discourse could improve the visibility of the Roma. I conclude by highlighting the importance of deserving an official recognition of the Roma victims specifically by the United Nations, represented at all international conferences and the history.

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We live in a globalized world that recently is facing with a deep economic crisis. Worldwide, every fifth person is poor and in Macedonia every third citizen. From a historical perspective, poverty is a phenomenon that has always existed in societies because of anomalies in the system of organization of the state. Unlike the past, today poverty is unacceptable and is a constant challenge for its elimination and eradication. Poverty is inherently contested concept. However, scientists, policy makers, and even politicians agree on one thing - that poverty is a problem. Whatever the definition or description of the poverty is, the primary or underlying message is that poverty is not just a condition, but an unacceptable condition.

After the Second World War governments undertook greater responsibility and determination to eliminate poverty, so that the common platform set to rebuild Europe with the Marshall Plan and set Millennium Development Goals 2000-2015.

In the world over 80% of people live with less than $ 10 per day, 25 thousand children die every day due to poverty, 12.3 million people are victims of forced labor and 186 million are unemployed. Macedonia is also covered by these trends, according to the UN (United Nations), 50% of the population live in some sort of poverty and despite this discouraging figure it is considered that certain social groups are particularly exposed to poverty when compared to the other. [1]

The Republic of Macedonia, inevitably is part of this process, and for these reasons it has a strategy for reducing the poverty. Nevertheless, despite the adoption of the strategy, there was an upward trend of the poverty by 4% in 1990, that reached to 30.4% in 2011. This situation indicates that there is a need of adjusting the lifestyle of the population according to the minimum conditions. Learning a new way of living with fewer opportunities and limitations is a difficult and painful process for the individuals and the families.

However, part of the Macedonian citizens has been living for long time in poor conditions and I can say that they “got used” to it. I talk about the Roma community, which is a synonym for successful survival in poor substandard living conditions. Therefore, considering the growing trend of poverty in the world and in Macedonia it is time to set up reverse thesis that in terms of increased poverty there is no need to “integrate” the Roma community in the current social trends. Conversely, the new generation of poor people should be integrated and taught by the example of the Roma community. In this short analysis I will give some examples of how the new poverty in Macedonia can be adjusted or integrated to the lifestyle of the Roma community.

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The global economic crisis that hit Europe in 2008 worsen the prospective for employment of minorities in the labor market across South East Europe (Bartlett & Uvalic, 2013). The expansion of the crisis change the behavior of all stakeholders - governments began to intervene in the banking system, global consumption declined, while the private sector began to fire workers. The lessons learned from the economic crisis in the past teach us that poverty, unemployment and the hostility among people increase. In this context, the labor market is the main target of the private sector, which provides interventions such as reducing wages and layoffs usually directed to specific ethnic, gender, age or religious group.

There is no doubt that discrimination of Roma exist in the education and labor market, which in large part can explain the employment gap between Roma and Non – Roma in Central and Eastern Europe. Few studies, (Kahanec, Messing, Fabo, & Brozovicova, 2012), (Kezdi & Kertesi, 2010), (O'Higgins, 2012) decompose the employment gap and conclude that discrimination has significant impact on the explanation of unemployment level among Roma. Even though, these studies confirm that the discrimination in the labor market occur, in many cases is difficult to determine and hence react in cases where it appears. Nevertheless, these attempts to establish a link between the discrimination and unemployment provide little information of the channels of discrimination in the labor market.

Therefore the primary focus of this paper is to demonstrate the patterns of discrimination in the labor market in Macedonia from an economic point of view. Particularly, through the economic models of discrimination I argue that Roma are unequally treated in the labor market, both in the private and public sector.

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When we search for an adequate explanation about politics, there are various definitions from different historical periods. Up to the 19th century, the philosophers defined it as a skill for governance, which was related to warfare, conquest and superiority of nations[1]. The modern definition of politics started in the 20th century, and it was directed towards the institutional governance and maintenance of law and order in the state.[2] The different types of political regimes and ideologies influenced the understanding and definition of politics and political processes. Throughout the history of social development, a division of ideals and political persuasion appears. Organized groups of like-minded people about the political processes, governance and understanding of society are institutionalized in political parties.

According to Schreyer и Schwarzmeier parties’ development depends on the structure of the membership in the electoral districts, social structure, organizational structure, goals of the party, ideologies, access to the political system and access to governance[3]. This division in the democratic system of governance, as the most effective way of ruling, improves parties’ profiles so that they would compete for the citizens’ trust. Political parties use different methods in order to gain voters’ trust and to represent their interests.

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